Who is a traitor, who a patriot?

By Mazhar Abbas

STATE OF THE NATION

(Translated from Urdu)

TODAY, our two most sensitive provinces remain engulfed in terrorism, a crisis that has persisted for nearly forty years. At times, the intensity of terrorist activities diminishes, only to surge again with bombings and targeted killings. Regardless of these fluctuations, the primary targets remain the same — law enforcement personnel, ordinary citizens, and political or religious leaders.

Despite numerous military operations, why have we consistently failed to find a permanent solution to this problem? The issue has both political and administrative dimensions. Why was the 2014 National Action Plan ultimately reduced to a mere political tool? After the tragic martyrdom of the Army Public School’s students and teachers, there was a firm resolve to rid the country of terrorists. Yet, the mastermind behind that ghastly attack later escaped from our custody, and instead of pursuing him globally — like the United States would have done — we chose silence.

In my previous column, I ended with Mir Hasil Bizenjo’s last speech in the Senate. His words were nothing short of a lament for our so-called democracy and the plight of Balochistan. Despite enjoying the support of a majority, he failed to win the Senate chairman’s seat, which instead went to Sadiq Sanjrani. The fundamental flaw in our state’s approach is the belief that appointing handpicked individuals to key positions will somehow alleviate a province’s sense of deprivation. Bringing in incompetent and non-representative figures through a quota system does not resolve problems — it only makes them more complex.

Take a look at the 2014 National Action Plan and the promises made before every military operation. It was always declared that illegal weapons would be confiscated across the country and that operations would be conducted without political considerations. Yet, we failed on both fronts. Had political expediencies not obstructed our efforts in Sindh, Karachi might not have required another military operation after 1992. For instance, authorities failed to capture the 72 criminal elements from rural Sindh, while in urban Sindh, a thorough operation against criminals and terrorists within the MQM could have dismantled them. Instead, rival groups were armed to counter them, and in the end, the entire party was dismantled.

Now, what is happening in Balochistan, and how can the province emerge from this crisis? There is no doubt that terrorism, in any form, inflicts the greatest damage on political struggles. If non-representative individuals are imposed on the people under the guise of political processes, neither public support nor a resolution to the crisis will emerge. Thus, both political forces and non-political decisions share responsibility for Balochistan’s current situation.

The province’s politicians and rulers bear full responsibility for how, over the past three to four decades, billions of rupees allocated through the Balochistan package and development funds either ended up in bureaucrats’ residences or simply disappeared — without accountability. Another critical issue is law and order.

How did we reach a point where a heinous attack like the one on the Jaffar Express could occur? This terrorist incident is deeply condemnable, and those responsible must be brought to justice. But why is Balochistan the only province where the police, which should be the frontline force, have no jurisdiction beyond Quetta? The "Levies" system should be abolished, and police jurisdiction should be extended throughout Balochistan. There is no room for hesitation — either enforce the Police Order 2002 or introduce a more effective system.

The third pressing issue is that of missing persons. How did this become the defining narrative of Balochistan’s politics? Even a brief review of the recent press conferences by the ISPR director general and the Balochistan chief minister reveals the gravity of the problem. If, as they claim, over 8,000 cases have been resolved and more than 2,500 missing persons’ cases are under review, and if a Missing Persons Commission has also been formed, then it is evident that the situation is far more complex than it is made to appear.

Why do we avoid discussing why Balochistan is not receiving its full royalties for the natural gas it supplies to the country? If the province has concerns on other matters, why are they not addressed? Such issues can only be resolved through a truly representative government.

Whether it is Balochistan or Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the solution remains political. Terrorism cannot be eradicated simply by labelling individuals as traitors or patriots. Even organisations like Al-Zulfiqar, which engaged in airplane hijackings and assassinations, were ultimately dismantled through political processes. Had political avenues been pursued, East Pakistan might not have seceded — but instead, a military solution was imposed.

Whether it is Balochistan or Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the solution remains political. Terrorism cannot be eradicated simply by labelling individuals as traitors or patriots. Even organisations like Al-Zulfiqar, which engaged in airplane hijackings and assassinations, were ultimately dismantled through political processes. Had political avenues been pursued, East Pakistan might not have seceded — but instead, a military ‘solution’ was imposed.

Today, the Taliban have become a major challenge, yet they are our own creation. The same applies to the MQM; we witnessed its trajectory firsthand. Later, the TLP was propped up for political gains, and now the state itself is struggling to contain it. Our list of mistakes is long, but the only way forward is to learn from these decisions. The first step is to move beyond the practice of branding individuals as traitors — history is full of instances where those once deemed traitors were later recognised as patriots.

Terrorism is a cancer that has spread rapidly and is now deeply embedded in society. In 2014, under the National Action Plan (NAP) we resolved to rid the country of illegal weapons — yet that goal now seems unattainable. The alternative is to combat extremism through a strong welfare-state narrative.

The challenges of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and the former FATA region are closely tied to Pakistan-Afghanistan relations. It is encouraging that the Pak-Afghan border was reopened through a joint Jirga. However, our focus remains narrowly fixated on terrorist activities rather than broader stability. Unfortunately, the decisive actions agreed upon under NAP in 2014 were never fully implemented. The national consensus that emerged after the APS attack has not been replicated after the Jaffar Express tragedy.

Why do we always wait for a disaster before seeking consensus? A National Security Committee meeting should not only be convened in response to attacks — it should also be held in times of peace, with an agenda centred on democracy, constitutional supremacy, and the rule of law as prerequisites for stability.

We have come a long way from 1947 to Form 47, and now it is 2025. The only way to defeat terrorism is through a comprehensive and transparent political process — not by arbitrarily labelling individuals as traitors or patriots.

Translated from an Urdu article published by ‘Jang’ on March 26